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L’hommage se présente sous forme d’une exposition de portraits d’activistes du monde entier qui ne sont plus parmi nous qui ont lutté pour les droits des femmes et la justice sociale.
Cette année, tout en continuant à convoquer la mémoire de celleux qui ne sont plus parmi nous, nous souhaitons célébrer leur héritage et souligner les manières par lesquelles leur travail continue à avoir un impact sur nos réalités vécues aujourd’hui.
49 nouveaux portraits de féministes et de défenseur·e·s viennent compléter la gallerie. Bien que de nombreuses des personnes que nous honorons dans cet hommage sont décédé·e·s du fait de leur âge ou de la maladie, beaucoup trop d’entre iels ont été tué·e·s à cause de leur travail et de qui iels étaient.
Visiter notre exposition virtuelle
Les portraits de l'édition 2020 ont été illustrés par Louisa Bertman, artiste et animatrice qui a reçu plusieurs prix.
L’AWID tient à remercier nos membres, les familles, les organisations et les partenaires qui ont contribué à cette commémoration. Nous nous engageons auprès d’elleux à poursuivre le travail remarquable de ces féministes et défenseur·e·s et nous ne ménagerons aucun effort pour que justice soit faite dans les cas qui demeurent impunis.
« Ils ont essayé de nous enterrer. Ils ne savaient pas que nous étions des graines » - Proverbe mexicain
Le premier hommage aux défenseur-e-s des droits humains a pris la forme d’une exposition de portraits et de biographies de féministes et d’activistes disparu·e·s lors du 12e Forum international de l’AWID en Turquie. Il se présente maintenant comme une gallerie en ligne, mise à jour chaque année.
Depuis, 467 féministes et défenseur-e-s des droits humains ont été mis·es à l'honneur.
¡Sí! Reconocemos y valoramos las distintas razones por las que los feminismos en sus contextos respectivos no cuentan con financiamiento externo, ya sea por no reunir los requisitos para solicitar donaciones o para recibir dinero del exterior, o bien porque se financian con recursos generados de manera autónoma como estrategia política en sí misma. Deseamos saber de ustedes con independencia de su experiencia de financiamiento externo.
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TV5Monde: Kate Millett, décès d'une féministe qui combattait avec caresses et plaisir
Anti-rights actors have had a substantive impact on our human rights framework and the progressive interpretation of human rights standards, especially rights related to gender and sexuality.
When it comes to the impact of conservative actors in international policy spaces, the overall picture today is of stasis and regressions.
We have witnessed the watering down of existing agreements and commitment; deadlock in negotiations; sustained undermining of UN agencies, treaty review bodies and Special Procedures; and success in pushing through regressive language in international human rights documents.
The CSW, held annually in March, has long been one of the most contested sites in the UN system. In March 2015, conservative efforts set the tone before events or negotiations even began; the outcome document of the Commission was a weak Declaration negotiated before any women’s rights activists even arrived on the ground.
At 2016’s CSW, the new Youth Caucus was infiltrated by large numbers of vocal anti-abortion and anti-SRHR actors, who shouted down progressive youth organizations. Again, intensive negotiations resulted in a lacklustre text, which included regressive language on ‘the family.’
Precisely when addressing women’s human rights is of urgent importance, the CSW has been rendered a depoliticized and weakened space. Using it to advance rights has become harder and harder since progressives’ energy is taken up trying to hold the ground against conservative backlash.
As the intergovernmental body responsible for the promotion and protection of human rights around the globe, the HRC is a key entry point for conservative actors. In recent years, this mechanism has been the scene for a number of damaging anti-human rights moves.
In conversation with other anti-rights actors, one strategy of conservative states, and blocs of states, is to aggressively negotiate out positive language and to introduce hostile amendments to resolutions, most often resolutions focusing on rights related to gender and sexuality.
To take one example, during the June 2016 session of the HRC, opposition was mounted towards a resolution on discrimination against women by the member states of the Organization of Islamic Cooperation (OIC) and allies. During contentious negotiations, multiple provisions were removed, including women’s and girls’ right to have control over their sexuality, sexual and reproductive health, and reproductive rights; and the need to repeal laws which perpetuate the patriarchal oppression of women and girls in families, and those criminalizing adultery or pardoning marital rape.
The HRC has also been the site of pernicious conservative initiatives to co-opt human rights norms and enact conservative “human rights” language, such as that of the Russia-led “traditional values” resolutions, and more recently the “Protection of the Family” agenda.
In 2015, moving their sights to another front, a number of religious right organizations began to target the Human Rights Committee, the treaty monitoring body for the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (ICCPR), a pivotal human rights instrument.
Anti-human rights groups mobilized in hopes of cementing their anti-abortion rhetoric into the treaty.
When the Committee announced it was drafting a new authoritative interpretation of the right to life, over 30 conservative non-state actors sent in written submissions, advocating their misleading discourse on ‘right to life’ - that life begins at conception and that abortion is a violation of the right - be incorporated in the Committee’s interpretation of article 6.
Conservative groups targeting the Human Rights Committee was a shift considering that historically anti-human rights actors have repeatedly attempted to undermine and invalidate the essential work of the treaty monitoring bodies, including the Human Rights Committee.

Anti-human rights actors were involved in lobbying towards the development of the new Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) in 2015, focusing again on rights relating to gender and sexuality. These efforts had limited traction in their attempts to embed regressive language in Agenda 2030.
However, after successfully pushing back against progressive language in the final text, conservative actors then pivoted to another strategy. In an attempt to evade state accountability and undermine the universality of rights, several states have repeatedly made reservations to the Goals.
On behalf of the African Group, Senegal claimed that African states would only “implement the goals in line with the cultural and religious values of its countries.”
The Holy See also made a number of reservations, stating it was “confident that the related pledge ‘no one will be left behind’ would be read” as meaning “the right to life of the person, from conception until natural death.”
Saudi Arabia went one step further, declaring that the country would not follow any international rules relating to the SDGs that reference sexual orientation or gender identity, describing them as running “counter to Islamic law.”
Anti-rights actors have made increasing headway at the UN General Assembly (GA). Most recently, during the 71st session in 2016, the GA was the scene of feverish anti-rights organizing in opposition to the new mandate created by the Human Rights Council resolution on sexual orientation and gender identity in June 2016: the Independent Expert on SOGI. Four separate attempts were made to undercut the mandate in GA spaces.
One approach was to introduce a hostile resolution at the Third Committee[1], led by the African Group, which in essence aimed to indefinitely defer the new mandate. While this approach was not successful, such an attempt in the GA to retroactively block the creation of a mandate brought forward by the Human Rights Council represented a new and troubling tactic - anti-right actors are now working to directly undermine the HRC’s authority respective to the General Assembly.
Another approach targeted the Fifth Committee (responsible for administration and budgetary matters) as an entry point to attack the mandate. In an unprecedented move a number of States attempted (again, unsuccessfully) to block the funding of UN human rights experts, including the new IE on SOGI[2],.
While these multiple efforts were unsuccessful in blocking the creation and continuation of the new mandate, the significant support they received, the novel strategizing employed, and the strong alliances built along regional lines through negotiations point to difficulties ahead.
[1] The Third Committee of the GA deals with agenda items relating to a range of social, humanitarian affairs, and human rights issues. Each year it discusses and issues resolutions on issues including the advancement of women, the protection of children, family, and youth.
[2] While UN Special Procedures experts (i.e. Special Rapporteurs, Working Group members and Independent Experts) work pro bono, some funds are generally allocated to facilitate country visits on the invitation of the national government, and support staff.
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Como participante en línea, puedes facilitar actividades, conectarte y conversar con otras personas, y experimentar de primera mano la creatividad, el arte y la celebración del Foro de AWID. Lxs participantes que se conecten en línea disfrutarán de un programa rico y diverso: desde talleres y conversaciones hasta actividades de sanación y espectáculos musicales. Algunas actividades estarán centradas en la conexión entre participantes en línea, y otras serán verdaderamente híbridas, centradas en la conexión y la interacción entre lxs participantes en línea y quienes estén en Bangkok.

Desde siempre el feminismo sostiene que lo personal es político. El Festival Crear, Resister, Transform generó espacios en los que el feminismo pudo discutir las cuestiones relativas al cuerpo, el género y las sexualidades, y analizar las interconexiones de estos asuntos entendidos como experiencias profundas del cuerpo y, a la vez, un terreno en los que los derechos están en constante disputa y riesgo en la sociedad.
El poder de los movimientos feministas radica en el modo de organizarnos y emprender acciones coordinadas, no solo en nuestras propias comunidades y movimientos, sino también con otras causas y grupos aliados por la justicia social. El espacio brindó la oportunidad de que los movimientos compartieran y reforzaran los procesos de organización y las estrategias tácticas de forma mutua.
La pandemia mundial sanitaria del COVID-19 ha puesto de manifiesto como nunca antes el fracaso del capitalismo neoliberal, expuesto las fallas de nuestros sistemas y acentuado la necesidad de construir nuevas realidades y las oportunidades para ello. Una recuperación económica y social feminista exige el trabajo conjunto. Esta edición, en alianza con Kohl: una publicación para la investigación sobre cuerpo y género, analizará soluciones, propuestas y realidades feministas para transformar nuestro mundo actual, nuestros cuerpos y nuestras sexualidades.
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À l’heure actuelle, l’enquête est disponible sur KOBO en français, anglais, arabe, espagnol, portugais et russe. Vous pouvez choisir votre langue au début du questionnaire.
With a legal career spanning more than 30 years, Oby was known across Africa and around the world as a champion for gender justice and human rights.
She founded and served as Executive Director of the Civil Resource Development and Documentation Centre (CIRDDOC), a Nigerian NGO which sponsors trainings and network-building activities for members of civil society, parliamentarians and other key stakeholders to promote human rights, good governance and access to justice and rule of law.
Oby is remembered fondly by activists in Nigeria as an “extraordinary activist who displayed energy and passion towards the fight for gender equality and gender justice in Nigeria and across Africa.”
Compilación de noticias sobre la organización y/o el trabajo de AWID
Notas de prensa, dosieres y kits

Apreciaremos propuestas de actividades referidas a todo el rango de áreas temáticas e intersecciones que son importantes para los movimientos feministas y por la justicia de género. En el formulario de propuesta podrás marcar más de un tema que se adecúe a tu actividad.
por Chinelo Onwualu
El 2 de septiembre de 2021 lxs increíbles activistas feministas y por la justicia social del festival Crear | Résister | Transform de AWID nos juntamos no solo para compartir estrategias, crear juntxs y transformar al mundo sino también para decir cosas sucias en Twitter.
Yes, we still want to hear from you regardless of whether you received funding in all three, two or only one of the years between 2021 and 2023.
Laura fue una abogada y líder activista que luchó valientemente por la descriminalización del trabajo sexual en Irlanda.
Es recordada como «una combatiente por la libertad de lxs trabajadorxs sexuales, una feminista, una madre para su hija y una amiga necesaria para mucha gente».
Laura promovió el reconocimiento de las personas de la industria del sexo como trabajadorxs merecedorxs de derechos. Presentó demandas por la descriminalización, e inició una revisión judicial en la Corte Suprema de Belfast respecto de las provisiones que criminalizan la compra de servicios sexuales. Declaró que su intención era llevar el caso a la Corte Europea de Derechos Humanos.
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Por primera vez, el Foro de AWID ofrece tres modos de participación:
Lxs participantes se reunirán en Bangkok, Tailandia. ¡No podemos esperar!